Tuesday, July 29, 2014
David Frum, the at The Atlantic, joins others in welcoming Paul Ryan's anti-poverty proposals as an important step in returning Republican political leaders to serious discussion about how to deal with poverty. But Frum thinks the compassionate conservatism of the early Bush II years--which Ryan's proposal so far largely resurrects--won't be adequate for today's "more difficult [economic] circumstances," in which long-lasting unemployment is less attributable to bad personal decisions and social environments than it was, and more attributable to broad structural features of the economy:
In 1999-2000, it seemed realistic to draw a sharp line of distinction between the vast majority of adults willing and able to work full-time—and thereby earn a living somewhere north of the poverty line—and the small minority of adults whose bad choices or bad situation rendered them dependent on public assistance. But for half a decade now, that distinction has looked blurry. The specific problem of poverty among those who don’t work full-time is no longer so easily separated from the broader problem of pervasive economic insecurity among those who do.
Frum makes several suggestions, in the vein of Douthat/Salaam "reform conservatism," for how conservatives can compete in the upcoming policy debates. (Among other things, support the earned income tax credit and mother's allowances; oppose minimum-wage raises, universal pre-K education, and immigration reforms that would keep the market for labor soft.)
Saturday, July 26, 2014
Michael, you raise a good question about whether Blaine Amendments might be a "blessing in disguise" because they--albeit "unintentionally"--"shield many primary and secondary schools" from the choice to "capitulate to the secular orthodoxy or ween yourself from the government teat."
These are hard questions for schools. In a paper for a conference in Rome a few years ago, I presented various considerations, including the possibility that "withholding state financing to religious schools can affect their integrity and vitality as much or more as providing funds with conditions and controls attached":
When religious schools are denied financing while state [and secular private] schools receive it, parents face powerful financial disincentives against choosing religious schools for their children. To overcome that disadvantage, religious schools may have to change their programs to attract more donations, more applications, or more full-tuition-paying students instead of low-income students—all of which may compromise the school’s mission to teach the faith or educate the poor. Or schools may have to close altogether. Early in 2009, American newspapers reported that four Catholic secondary schools in New York City had been forced by fiscal necessity to join the state system as so-called charter schools. The change would permit them to receive funds but would require them to eliminate their religious components entirely, not just in selected classes as Supreme Court decisions like Lemon had required.
So I have a few reactions to your question:
1. To preserve their ability to choose their mission, Catholics and other religious groups should certainly try to increase their schools' financial independence so they are less exposed to the difficult choice of taking aid with strings or losing equal aid.
2. Nevertheless, whether the schools' integrity and vitality will be more threatened by taking aid or losing it depends on the situation, and on the kind of strings. Therefore, parents and schools should have the choice, even if the state has structured it as less than ideal. Blaine Amendments wrongly take the choice away from them.
3. If the societal opposition to Catholic or other religious doctrines and policies is so strong, it may not stop at putting strings on funding. Catholic and evangelical schools that violate antidiscrimination norms may face damages awards and fines even if they don't receive funding. Catholic schools have to figure out how to respond to that problem, entirely apart from Blaine Amendments.
(This sets aside, of course, the argument that secular regulation, such as nondiscrimination law, may sometimes actually push a school toward a better position even under Catholic teaching properly understood--the discrimination may be "unjust." But obviously how to understand Catholic teaching is for the school and religious leaders to decide, not the state.)
Michael Sean Winters has an excellent post welcoming Paul Ryan's proposal as a potential return by Republicans to serious discussions about how to assist and empower the poor. Michael Sean closes
by recalling the talk delivered by Bishop Robert McElory at John Carr’s Initiative on Catholic Social Thought in Public Life at Georgetown, in which +McElroy called for Catholics to become “insurgents” within their own parties. Ryan did that yesterday. I think he has further to go: I do not see how anyone committed to Catholic social teaching can fail to see the need to raise the minimum wage, for example. But, Ryan deserves great praise for taking on the issue and for putting forward ideas and for inviting criticism and continued debate. ... Shame on all of us if we do not seize this moment to remind the American Christian community that Matthew 25 says nothing about a rising middle class, and that we welcome anyone, but most especially Cong. Ryan, to the discussion our nation has for too long avoided: How do we continue the fight against poverty in ways that will actually help the poor?
Friday, July 25, 2014
This Atlantic article, "Whatever Happened to Dinesh D'Souza?," is an interesting account of how D'Souza went from writing seriously intended (if debatable) conservative books on multiculturalism, education, and politics to peddling s--t about Obama's Kenyan "rage" against America. The thesis is that D'Souza decided that trying to persuade thoughtful people on the other side wasn't worth it (didn't sell books etc.), and just started preaching to the choir. Something that could certainly be said about many smart people today, left and right, who write stuff far below their brainpower.
But here are my favorite sentences in the article:
Yet failing to take on the best arguments of the other side—“to play Notre Dame” in the words of Charlie Peters, editor emeritus of Washington Monthly—carries risks. D’Souza’s subsequent books and films testify to the intellectual pitfalls of ignoring the critics. His demonization of President Obama is a case in point.
They're my favorite, of course, because of the "play Notre Dame" metaphor. (Here's another example of it.) If Protestant/secular quarterbacks/intellectuals are going to take on the best on the other side, they have to mix it up with the fighting Irish. Let's remember, however, how many other Catholic schools have serious Catholic intellectuals (especially in the law schools, of course!), and also serious sports traditions--whether it's St. John's and Villanova basketball, or St. Thomas's potency across the big Division III sports.
Thursday, July 24, 2014
The papers from the St. Thomas Law symposium on "Intellectual Property and Religious Thought" have been published. I'm confident they'll be a great resource for future reflection on this now-vital subject. My foreword to the symposium is available on SSRN. All of the papers are available here. Some of the papers are also on SSRN (see this earlier post). Here's a taste from the abstract to my foreword:
The time is ripe for wider exploration about how religious themes, practices, and communities may inform IP law and policy....
This foreword summarizes the symposium papers, which fall into three categories: "God, Ownership, and Intellectual Creation"; "Life Patents, Religion, and Social Justice"; and "IP, Religion, and Social Relationships/Obligations." Symposium contributors include IP legal scholars Margo Bagley, Shubha Ghosh, Roberta Kwall, Bashar Malkawi, Alina Ng, and David Opderbeck, and religion/ethics scholars Audrey Chapman, Marco Fioretti, Paul Griffiths, and Jeremy Stern.
The foreword concludes with brief reflections on future directions in research and practice. First, religious reflections on creativity and ownership should influence the practice of religious communities and individuals, quite apart from the content of civil law. Second, with respect to law and policy debates, religious thought may “root” themes such as social obligation, or the sense of creativity as a gift, “in a richer social imagination that gives them meaning and weight,” as David Opderbeck puts it. Finally, religion has particular relevance to issues concerning IP, trade, and development in the global South--partly because many developing nations are deeply religious, and partly because religious agencies do much of the on-the-ground humanitarian work on matters with IP ramifications such as health care and agriculture.
Sunday, July 20, 2014
In The Atlantic, Molly Ball describes how some advocates for gay rights fear that the intensifying opposition to religious exemptions among other proponents will push back the passage of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, the major piece of gay-rights legislation in Congress. Legislation with protective accommodations remains an essential strategy for giving respect to both sides in a genuinely pluralistic society.
Friday, July 18, 2014
The National Journal profiles/interviews Richard Land, who was formerly head of the Southern Baptist ethics and policy shop in DC and a leader among social-conservative activists. It's a very interesting exploration of Land's career and the uncertain future for conservative evangelicals in the social/political sphere.
Monday, July 14, 2014
Robert Christian, of the Millennial blog and Democrats for Life, writes at Time of the President's policy proposals at the recent White House summit on working families:
The leaders and members of the Church are the perfect partners in this push for economic justice and stronger families. From supporting the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act to minimum wage increases to a paid family leave program, Catholics should take up the battle to provide American families with the flexibility, support and economic security they need to thrive in the 21st Century.
Sunday, July 6, 2014
The Rev. Larry Snyder, president of Catholic Charities USA since 2005, is returning to the University of St. Thomas (one of his alma maters) to serve as vice president for mission. This is great news for the university. He has done admirable work at Catholic Charities, and he's contributed valuable insights (e.g. here) on how law and policy can help facilitate, and partner with, faith-based and other community organizations to serve and empower those in need.
Ross Douthat in the NY Times observes that the Hobby Lobby owners' corporate conscience has led to some good things for workers, including a high minimum full-time wage and Sundays off. (Wait: why does Hobby Lobby get to impose its Christian beliefs on its customers who might have a need to do their shopping on Sundays?) Of course, there's a quarrel over how consistently socially responsible Hobby Lobby is. But as Douthat says, "this isn’t just a point about the company’s particular virtues"; most of it is about religious organizations that serve those in need:
The entire conflict between religious liberty and cultural liberalism has created an interesting situation in our politics: The political left is expending a remarkable amount of energy trying to fine, vilify and bring to heel organizations — charities, hospitals, schools and mission-infused businesses — whose commitments they might under other circumstances extol.
Most of the commenters, unsurprisingly, are having none of it. But, as always ... it's the open-minded middle you have to reach. Not Times commenters.
The religious organizations that reach out beyond their church's members--and as a result are increasingly threatened with regulation conflicting with their beliefs--want "freedom to serve," in the words of the Catholic bishops' religious-freedom fortnight that just ended. Yes, there are tough issues about ensuring full participation of GLBT people, women, and others in society. But the resolution of those issues has to make room for full participation of faith-based service organizations as well.
An excerpt from my own work on "progressive arguments for religious organizational freedom," which fleshes out the same argument with supporting evidence (footnotes omitted):
[I]t is ironic and mistaken for progressives to deny or minimize religious-freedom protection for faith-based service organizations, as the original HHS exemption did. Works of justice, mercy, and service lie at the core of many religious faiths, but especially those that describe themselves as “progressive.” These works also rank among the features that progressives, religious or not, value most in religious organizations.