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January 19, 2012
What Does It Mean to Call a Judicial Opinion Particularist?
Hosanna-Tabor has come and gone, with a flurry of commentary out of the gate (including reliably acute posts by Rick, Michael, and Tom, as well as what I thought was an interesting reflection on religious dissent by Jessie Hill here) and now a bit of (perhaps welcome!) silence. Last week, I described the decision as particularist, but I did not define the term. Judicial particularism is a concept that I explore in my current book project, Tragedy and History: The Quality of Religious Liberty, but for purposes of this post, I thought to offer some quick-shot thoughts about what judicial particularism might mean -- first what it does not, or need not, mean, and second what I believe it does, or at least could, mean.
If judicial particularism is taken to mean only the simple and bland proposition that "context matters" in the adjudication of cases, then that seems fairly uncontroversial. Of course context matters. Who would disagree? Even those who prefer the ostensible discipline of hard rules in adjudication acknowledge that general rules are not self-applying and that the specifics of a case will and ought to affect the outcome.
Judicial particularism also does not necessarily mean or imply adjudicatory narrowness, in the sense of deciding only the absolute minimum that one needs to dispose of the case. It is true that often times particularistic judgments may also be narrow judgments. Indeed, this is a position with great appeal. But one could be both a judicial particularist and write a decision that intimates (perhaps subtly, in dicta, or perhaps implicitly, by failing to say anything) the resolution of other, future cases that are factually similar on similar grounds, or the resolution of other, future cases that are factually dissimilar on dissimilar grounds.
Following Jonathan Dancy's work on moral particularism, I take the core of judicial particularism to be that it is possible to decide cases reasonably predictably without the necessity of relying on a single general value or principle, or even a set number of general values or principles, to do so. The sting in particularism is not that 'context matters' but that reasons or values which are important in some specific context may not be so in others. Reasons or values do not have either constant or categorical weight across a range of disputes, or even among cases within a range, so that what is a reason for reaching a judgment in one set of circumstances may not, as Dancy puts it, retain the same "polarity" in another set of circumstances.
I should make clear that for me the analogy from moral particularism to law is more suggestive than direct. I do not believe that a rigorous version of particularism is well-suited to law, principally because I believe in a comparatively strong approach to the bindingness of precedent for various reasons not directly related to particularism. But I do think that a soft particularism is one way to understand certain decisions in religion clause law, including Chief Justice Roberts's opinion in Hosanna-Tabor. Take, for example, the Chief's discussion of the bare fact of the official title, "minister." It seems to me that what the Chief is saying is that the Sixth Circuit was wrong completely to disregard the fact that Cheryl Perich had obtained the title of minister -- not even to consider that fact in deciding the ME question. An official designation is often a reason to ascribe a particular legal status. But at the same time, the Chief was very much unwilling to say that the formal title itself "automatically ensure[s] coverage." Slip op. at 18. The formal title is an invitation to ask more fact-specific questions about the nature of her position and the perceptions of the employer and the employee with respect to it.
Suppose it turned out that Perich had been given the title "minister" very late in the game -- on the eve of litigation, say -- precisely and solely for the reason that it would make it more likely that courts would apply the ministerial exception to her case. It seems to me that one way to interpret the decision is that in such a case, the formal title minister would not merely be no reason to find that the exception applied. It might in fact be a negative reason -- a reason exactly to find that the ministerial exception should not apply. That would be an example of a reason which might have salience in one sort of context but the opposite sort of salience in another.
Or suppose instead that Perich had been given the title, "minister," but that in the particular faith under consideration, everyone who joins the religion is automatically given the title minister as a pro forma matter. To be a minister, all one needs to do is to be nominally affiliated with the religious organization. In that sort of case, a reason which might have salience in one sort of context would have no (but not negative) salience in this context.
Much the same method may be applied to other sorts of reasons cited by the Court. Take, for example, the fact that, in the Court's view, Perich held herself out as a minister of the Church. The subjective perception of the employee with respect to the nature of his or her position, and the actions taken by the employee as a consequence of those perceptions, are, the Court seems to say, often times important reasons in determining whether the position is, in fact, "ministerial." But one could imagine fairly easily situations in which the subjective perceptions (and consequent actions) of the employee would not count as reasons. Suppose the employee believed in earnest that he ought to count as a minister, and held himself out as a minister, but it was plain that nobody within the religious organization ever thought the same thing. The reasons for the employee's beliefs need not be delusional; they might be grounded in a different or dissenting set of theological or doctrinal beliefs about what the religious organization ought to require in order to be a minister. The point is that a reason which might be salient in one context might lose its salience entirely, or at least acquire a different polarity, in another. And the best way to achieve an evolving sense of the quality of the ministerial exception is by the accretion of cases over time which give jurisprudential shape to its content.
That is why, in my view, the staking out of a particularist approach by the Chief (with the unanimous agreement of his colleagues) -- coupled with the Court's "reluctan[ce] to adopt any test" -- at the very birth of the ministerial exception is so interesting from a doctrinal perspective. It is somewhat more difficult to replace a hard rule with a particularist method once the hard rule has become encrusted with precedent (not at all impossible, but at least more complicated). But by bringing the ministerial exception into being as a jurisprudential creature living in a particularist legal world, the Court (all 9 of them) has set the future of the ME on a decidedly common law course. I may be wrong, but I do not believe this has happened in any other corner of religion clause law. It will be interesting to see how the ME develops through the years, nurtured on the diet of common law constitutionalism.
Posted by Marc DeGirolami on January 19, 2012 at 10:08 PM in DeGirolami, Marc | Permalink
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I think associational rights raise H-T above particularism, and it is illustrated by the flaw in Jesse Hill's observation. She contended, like commenters elsewhere here, that the state might have an important role in vindicating dissenters' views within a group. But that dilemma is resolved not by busting the association based on a view that dissent is generally legitimate (but not dissent from the view that dissent is generally legitimate). Instead the dissenter's interests are vindicated by the voluntariness of the dissenting member's belonging, or not belonging, to that community, and by protecting her right to form her own community around her view. If the community, though, has no right to define what it stands for as a community, including against dissenters, then no community is possible--every connection formed between individuals would be bustable by dissent. If one cannot bind onesself, one is to that extent not free. There is no such thing as an association if the government prohibits it from having boundaries, either directly or by vindicating a heckler's veto. And if there are no associations, there is nothing standing between the individual and the state, for the individual against the state. All we have left are atomized individuals and the state. Therefore attempts to vindicate dissenters not merely by allowing them to form their own dissenting communities, but by letting them move against the association in its belief-identity, necessarily take away the right of all the other non-dissenting individuals in the community to commune with each other around a set of values, and to use that community as a shield against the state. Community-busting based on the idea of protecting dissenters even takes away the dissenter's own rights, because the dissenter would likewise not be able to form a community around her dissenting view--it could be equally busted by a single dissenter from that dissenting group. Thus for the sake of a dissenter's localized dispute, the state would make it impossible for that dissenter and everyone else to ever have any community or anything between her and the state. That's a bargain the state will always take if not restrained by a constitutional bill of rights, and that's why this decision was unanimous, and principled.
Posted by: Matt Bowman | Jan 19, 2012 11:07:44 PM
Hi, Matt. Thanks for the comment. I guess I don't see it quite the same way, but not because I disagree that religious dissent ought somehow to trump the rights of religious institutions and "bust[] the institution based on the view that dissent is generally legitimate." I agree with you in criticizing a jurisprudence which took this view.
But I don't think I agree that there is a way to "resolve" the dilemma simply by recourse to the fact that the dissenting employee voluntarily chose to associate, and now she's got to live with that choice, no matter what. That seems to me the opposite pole from the one above, and equally unappealing. And it is also not one that the Court embraced.
My own view is that it is possible, albeit difficult, to find middle positions where both sets of interests are protected, although neither gets absolutely everything that it wants. And I think (of course I am not certain, and it remains to be seen what future cases dealing with the ME will do) that this is the course set for us by Hosanna-Tabor.
Posted by: Marc DeGirolami | Jan 20, 2012 6:58:29 AM
What part of what the Court adopted was the sort of middle position you refer to?
Posted by: Matt Bowman | Jan 20, 2012 7:51:23 AM
Matt, in my opinion, the whole decision. The fact that the Court was unwilling to adopt exactly the sort of test that you describe, and give to either the dissenter or the institution an absolute protection. The fact that it used a multitude of factors to determine whether Perich was a minister, without giving categorical weight to any one of them, and with the suggestion that other factors, in other cases, might be relevant. The fact that the Court specifically states that it refused to adopt any single criterion or test to determine the scope of the exception. The whole thing.
Posted by: Marc DeGirolami | Jan 20, 2012 7:59:37 AM
I think that amounts to a list of things the Court didn't do, but which it didn't foreclose doing either. All the things it did are consistent with protecting associational rights, particularly religious ones. I don't think it's accurate to describe the associational rights idea I am defending as "recourse to the fact that the dissenting employee voluntarily chose to associate, and now she's got to live with that choice, no matter what." She is free to start her own association, and need not remain in the one she has chosen. If her "freedom" to remain is protected, it necessarily reduces the freedom of all other members of the association to choose not to associate with her. Fundamentally there is an irreducable choice between an association's right to define its association, and a dissenting member's claim to break that boundary. I can't think of any examples of the "middle positions where both sets of interests are protected" that you postulate may exist, where those positions do not attack the association's freedom and, as I said, the dissenter's own freedom to form her own association shielded from dissent. I would be interested in hearing examples of what you have in mind.
Posted by: Matt Bowman | Jan 20, 2012 9:56:59 AM
I don't disagree with your characterization of the Court's decision as leaving many things open, though I do not necessarily think that means that the Court is prepared *only* to expand the scope of the ME beyond what it held in H-T in future cases. My guess would be that the Justices might differ considerably on that question. But it does seem to me that the tenor of the decision is more than simply narrow or minimalist, for the reasons I've described. I acknowledge, though, that interpreting judicial decisions is an eminently contestable enterprise, and so perhaps ultimately it will be shown that the Court's decision is better characterized as minimalist than particularist, as I've described those terms. Time will tell. It may also be, as Tom Berg argued in his post, that given the composition of the Court and the fact that Justice Kagan signed on to Justice Alito's concurrence, in time the Court will gravitate to the more functionalist view that he described. In part, that movement may depend upon virtual imponderables like the composition of the Court on the next occasion that it accepts an ME case (and, therefore, on the next few Presidents, the retirements which may or may not occur in the next decade or so, the composition of the Senate, and so on).
As for the more substantive question, I also generally agree with your "irreducible choice" point. But it still seems to me that in certain situations, and perhaps many, there are criteria which might guide our choice, though we will nevertheless recognize that in making the choice, we are sacrificing certain values.
I'll just offer what I think is a comparatively easy case for my view -- with the caveats that I believe it is an easy case, that you may not believe it is an easy case (or that you may think it is an easy case in the other direction), and that the case does not resolve a whole host of other more difficult conflicts.
Take the example in my post. Suppose that a religious organization, on the eve of litigation, officially assigned an employee the title "minister," with all of the job responsibilities of that office. And suppose further that there was direct evidence showing that the religious organization had done this in order to make it more likely that a court would find the employee to be covered under the ministerial exception, but that it was also clear that the employee performed no, or even very few, ministerial responsibilities.
For me, that sort of case presents an obvious one for a finding that the ME does not apply. The designation of the employee as ministerial was strategic -- perhaps even fraudulent. And the interests of the employee in fair employment conditions are substantial (as they are in all of these cases).
Now, you might reply -- that doesn't matter. The reasons that the religious institution chooses to designate the employee as a minister are none of the state's business, and the institution is at liberty to do whatever it likes entirely autonomous from the state's control. As you say, if the employee doesn't like it, it is free to disassociate and start its own association, where it can set the rules to its liking. A decision by the state against the religious institution in this sort of case is no less a case of "busting" the religious association than any other.
While I recognize the point that a decision against the religious institution in such a case is in some sense just as much a blow against the autonomy of religious institutions as any other, I still think this is an easy case for me. That's because I believe that some kind of inquiry into the sincerity or genuineness (an unbecoming word, I apologize) of the institution's beliefs about the nature of the position and the employee's role is important. And once we create space for judicial inquiry of this kind (with respect to this specific factor as well as others), we are on what I think is a particularist trajectory. Where the reason for designating an employee as a minister is, to take the extreme case, fraudulent, I don't think even Justice Thomas would say that the ME ought to apply. And one can, I think, reasonably believe that while at the same time acknowledging your point about irreducible (and, in my opinion, tragic) choice.
Unfortunately I have to sign off for today. But thanks for pushing back with some nice questions.
Posted by: Marc DeGirolami | Jan 20, 2012 11:41:22 AM
Thank you Professor. Your hypothetical proposes that the organization is lying about whether the employee plays an important role in its character as a expressive religious body. I don't think your hypothetical challenges the idea that a religious group cannot be a group if it does not get to set boundaries about who is and who isn't central to its identity. You are just raising a question about whether not a particular group has in fact done so. Certainly such examples can be framed to threaten the core of the group's ability to set boundaries. But in itself I don't see this example as residing very near to Jesse Hill's idea of balancing the rights of dissenters against the group.
Posted by: Matt Bowman | Jan 20, 2012 1:09:45 PM
Matt, thanks, and just a quick response from me (sorry for the long one before). I take it from your response that you would agree with me that mine is an easy case, and the reason you give is that in a case of fraud or even strategic action, a religious institution wasn't *really* engaged in setting the "boundaries about who is and who isn't central to its identity."
I agree, but I also think in addition at least seemingly to support my thought that a judicial inquiry into sincerity is necessary, one might read your comment also to demand a "centrality" inquiry -- how central to the religious institution's identity does the position need to be? Those inquiries are exactly the right sort for the judges to be making. But they, and many others, too, will demand fairly fine particularistic assessments.
You might respond by adopting Justice Thomas's view -- a good faith assertion by the religious organization is good enough to defer generally. But I don't think (again, with all of the caveats above) that this is the view that got the majority of the Court.
Marc
Posted by: Marc DeGirolami | Jan 20, 2012 2:31:22 PM
